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Sanxiang dialect

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Sanxiang
三乡话 / 三乡闽语
Sa1hiu1 / Sahiu[1]
Native toChina
RegionMainly in Sanxiang, southern Guangdong province.
Native speakers
about 30,000[2]
Early forms
Chinese characters
Language codes
ISO 639-3None (mis)
Glottologsanx1234
  Location of Sanxiang Town (三乡镇) within Zhongshan City (中山市), where Sanxiang dialect is spoken.

Sanxiang (Cantonese Jyutping: saam1hoeng1, in the language itself sa1 hiu1 [sa˧.hiu˧][6]) is a Min variety of Southern Min[7][8][9] Chinese mostly spoken in Sanxiang in Zhongshan in the Pearl River Delta of Guangdong, China.[1] Despite its close proximity, Sanxiang is not very closely related to the surrounding dialects in the region, which belong to the Yue group, and thus forms a "dialect island" of Min speakers. It is one of three enclaves of Min in Zhongshan, the others being Longdu and Nanlang.[7][8]

As Zhongshan Min (including Sanxiang) is surrounded by Cantonese, it gradually leads to the development of bilingualism among the people. As such, Cantonese influence can be found to some degrees in phonetics, vocabulary, and grammar. Vocabulary influence is the most significant, followed by phonetics, and the least influential being on the grammar.[10]

Variants

[edit]

Not much differences are observed among villages in Sanxiang other than slight differences in pronunciation except for the divergent variant in Dabu (大布村). Most differences are observed in rimes and some vocabulary.[1] For example, Zhangzhou final -ɛ as in the word 茶 is pronounced /tai/ in Sanxiang but /teə/ in Dabu. Same can be said for 坐 Sanxiang /tsai/; Dabu /tseə/. Any instances of -au in Sanxiang, becomes -ɔ in Dabu, including those cognate with Zhangzhou -o, such as in the words: 鹅学讲. Southern Min -ua remains in Sanxiang but becomes -oɔ after velar and labial initials or -iɔ elsewhere. 山 is /sua/ in Sanxiang but /siɔ/ in Dabu; likewise 歌 is /kua/ in Sanxiang but /koɔ/ in Dabu.[11]

Phonology

[edit]

Initials

[edit]

Sanxiang dialect has 18 initials.[12][13][14]

Bilabial Alveolar Velar Glottal
plain sibilant
Nasal /m/
梅孟目
/n/
女南宁
/ŋ/
牙外严
Plosive/
Affricate
plain /p/
巴步白
/t/
刀茶张
/ts/
周展杂
/k/
歌家计
/ʔ/
安鸭沃
aspirated /pʰ/
破片仆
/tʰ/
涂谈沉
/tsʰ/
千唱七
/kʰ/
快欠曲
voiced /b/
买棉灭
/g/[i][ii]
[18][19]
Fricative unvoiced /f/
费芳法
/s/
山身赎
/h/
海坑兄
voiced /z/
认热日
Lateral /l/
漏绿入
  1. Observed in Yagang Village (鸦岗村)[15], now merged with Gangquan Village (岗泉村) since 2001.
  2. In Pinglan (​平岚村)[16], [g] is a variant of [ŋ] which appears irregularly, such as "鹅" [gau⁵⁵], "牙" [gai⁵⁵], "吴" [go⁵⁵], etc.[17]

Rimes

[edit]

Sanxiang dialect has 69 rimes[20] as observed in Wushi (乌石村).[21]

Nucleus -a- -e- -ɐ- -o- -ɔ- -i- -u- -øu- -ai- -au- -ɐi- -ɐu- -oi- -ou- -ui- -iu- ∅-
Medial ∅-i-u- ∅-i-u- ∅-i- ∅-i- ∅- ∅- ∅- ∅- ∅- ∅-i- ∅-u- ∅-i- ∅-u- ∅- ∅- ∅-
Coda -∅ a
炒衫
ia
倚兄
ua
歌山
e
鞋买
o
河罗
ɔ
步楚
i
比许
u
素鱼
ai
巴千
au
左刀
iau
消条
ɐi
西桂
uɐi
ɐu
沟愁
iɐu
舅由
oi
采帅
uoi
快卫
ou
某侯
ui
推算
iu
秋唱
-ʔ
答纳
iaʔ
食笛
uaʔ
辣热
ueʔ
刮月

洛获
ioʔ
碧脚

aiʔ
白客
auʔ
作学
iuʔ
尺石
-m am
南感
em
甜念
iem
险欠
ɐm
森审
iɐm
im
渐心

-n an
单阵
uan
弯幻
ɐn
恨论
iɐn
忍因
on
干汉
in
棉片
un
船云
-ŋ
冬梦
uaŋ
ieŋ
承清
ɐŋ
崩冰

江风
ioŋ
常龙
øuŋ
弓用
ŋ̍
-p ap
杂鸽
ep
iep
竹十
ɐp
集习
iɐp
十涩
ip
业入
-t at
察法
ɐt
匹吉
it
灭节
ut
活出
-k ak
缚沃
uak
iek
则息
ɐk
突北
ok
各国
iok
削鹿
øuk
熟育

Sanxiang dialect has 82 rimes[17] as observed in Pinglan (​平岚村),[22][16] now split into modern day 平岚东村 and 平南村​.

Nucleus -a- -e- -ɐ- -o- -ɔ- -i- -u- -ai- -au- -ɐi- -ɐu- -oi- -ou- -ui- -iu- ∅-
Medial ∅-i-u- ∅-i-u- ∅-i-u- ∅-i-u- ∅-u- ∅- ∅- ∅-u- ∅-i- ∅-i-u- ∅-i- ∅-i-u- ∅- ∅- ∅-
Coda -∅ a
ia
ua
e
o
ɔ
i
u
ai
uai
怀
au
iau
ɐi
iɐi
uɐi
ɐu
iɐu
oi
ioi
uoi
ou
ui
iu
-ʔ
iaʔ
uaʔ
ueʔ

ioʔ

aiʔ
auʔ
iuʔ
-m am
iam
em
ɐm
iɐm
im

-n an
uan
ɐn
iɐn
uɐn
uon
ɔn
in
un
-ŋ
uaŋ

ieŋ
ɐŋ

ioŋ
ɔŋ
uɔŋ
ŋ̍
-p ap
iap
ep
iep
ɐp
iɐp
ip
-t at
ɐt
iɐt
uɐt
uot
it
ut
-k ak
uak
ek
iek
ɐk
ok
iok
ɔk
uɔk

A few rimes have only one character, such as: iɐi 芮, ioi 锐, uaŋ 宏, uak 或, m̩ 唔, etc.

Tones

[edit]

Similar to Hokkien, Sanxiang dialect has 7 tones.[23][17]

Tones dark
light
level
rising
departing
entering
level
rising
departing
entering
No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Tone contour ˧ (33) ˩˧ (13) ˨˩˧ (213) ˨˩ (21) ˥ (55) - ˩ (11) ˥˧ (53)
Example Hanzi 歌贪刀单 左底水讲 算唱庆送 杀结七竹 茶蛇甜团 [i] 步话办漏 热滑绝十
Special
Examples[ii]
杜坐五雨[A]
事义外配[B]
舵柱倍舅武[A] [A]
[C]
  1. Some ancient voiced initial consonants in the rising tone (阳上) have merged with ancient voiceless initial consonants in the rising tone (阴上), and are now pronounced in the 上 tone [˩˧] (13) tone, such as “舵柱倍武” etc.; some are now pronounced in the 阴平 tone [˧] (33) tone, such as “杜坐五” etc.; a few are now pronounced in the 阳去 tone [˩] (11) tone, such as “蚁” [hia˩].
  2. Some characters with 上 tone (mainly voiced 浊上), and 去 tone (mainly 阴去) is now pronounced with the 阴平 tone [˧] (33) in Sanxiang. There are no observable patterns. Some are believed to be the result of Cantonese 阴去 having the value [˧] (33). An explanation for 浊上 tone, a significant portion of which are colloquial (白读) words, has not yet been found.[24]

Special examples note[25]:

  1. 1 2 3 From historic 阳上 tone.
  2. From historic 阳去 tone.
  3. From historic 阳平 tone.

Tone Sandhi

[edit]

Tone sandhi in Sanxiang applies in words with two or more characters[26]. The following syllables are unaffected by tone sandhi:[27]

  • Function words
  • Personal pronouns
  • Demonstrative pronouns
  • Negative adverbs
  • Syllable before a vocal pause
Tones dark
light
level
rising
departing
entering
level
rising
departing
entering
Original Tone ˧ (33) ˩˧ (13) ˨˩˧ (213) ˨˩ (21) ˥ (55) - ˩ (11) ˥˧ (53)
Resulting Tone ˩ (11)[i] ˧ (33) ˨˩ (21) - ˧ (33) ˨ (2)
Example Words 生姜、
猪母、
妖怪、
花托、
葾头、
秦树、
骰目
炒惹、
草纸、
狗窦、
手骨、
马棚、
好事[i]
伙食
称星、
孝子、
厝契、
蒜汁、
算盘、
告示、
放学
插棋、
结茧、
竹扫、
竹壳、
栗萝、
八万、
竹窘
齐心、
人手、
鱼刺、
鱼骨、
油麻、
牛特、
鱼目
大声、
饭碗、
豆酱、
面铃、
大头、
豆鼓、
润月
学生、
石盾、
白菜、
目汁、
目皮、
墨现、
自鹤
  1. 1 2 Tone sandhi does NOT happen if 上声 tone is followed by 阳去. Example: 好事 /hɔ¹³.su¹¹/

Phonological features

[edit]

Phonological features of the Sanxiang Dialect features several influence from nearby Yue languages and Hakka languages.

Compared to other Southern Min languages, the distinction of nasal vowels are lost in Sanxiang.[28] Compare Hokkien ; sua with ; suann and ; with ; iûnn which are both /sua˧/ and /iu˥/ respectively in Sanxiang. Similarly, Leizhou dialect and Hainan dialect also lost nasal vowel distinction.[29] As such, there are 7 rimes which resulted from the loss of nasal coda: -a (蓝担敢衫), -ai (前千还), -ia (听领命), -ua (山炭肝散), -i (钱变天扇), -iu (量梁想上), -ui (问村门砖)[30]

Minimal pairs of nasalized rimes
Rime -a -ua -ia -iu -i -ui -ai
Word
Sanxiang sa sa sua sua ia ia siu siu pi pi ui ui kai kai
Leizhou sa sa sua sua ie o siu sio pi pieŋ ui ui ke ke
Zhangzhou sua suã ia siu siɔ̃ pi ui kɛ̃
Xiamen sa sua suã ia siu siũ pi ui ŋ̍ ke

Some ancient voiced (浊) initial consonants in the rising (上) tone are now pronounced as either 阴平 tone or 上声 tone in Sanxiang. This pronunciation is very similar to that of Sanxiang Hakka. In the Zhongshan dialect, there are few examples of ancient voiced initial consonants in the rising tone that are now pronounced as 阴平 tone, but examples that are pronounced in the 上声 tone are very easy to find. In Zhangzhou, Fuzhou, and other Min dialects, this overall pronunciation pattern is generally absent, except for a few words with ancient secondary voiced initials (次浊) that are read as 上声 tone today. In most cases, it corresponds to the 阳去 tone.[31]

Word
Sanxiang be ka t͡sai kin tui tu kʰiɐu t͡sʰi sia
阴平 上声
Sanxiang
Hakka
mai ŋau t͡sʰo kʰiun tʰon tʰu kʰiɛu t͡sʰu sia
阴平 去声 阴平 上声
Zhangzhou be ka t͡se kin tuĩ ku tʰiau sia
上声 阳去
Fuzhou suɑi køyŋ tuɑŋ tou kiɛu tʰiɛu siɑ
上声 阳去
Wenzhou ma ŋuɔ zo dʑaŋ daŋ døy dʑau dzɿ zei
阳上

Min features

[edit]

Middle Chinese initial "非敷奉" is pronounced as either [p] or [pʰ] on Sanxiang's colloquial reading (白读).

Rime set
Word
Sanxiang pun pun pʰaŋ pui pu pʰu pak
Xiamen pun pun pʰaŋ pui pu pʰu pak
Fuzhou puoŋ puoŋ pʰuŋ puoi pou pʰu puoʔ
Longdu puɵn pun pʰoŋ puɵi pu pʰu pɔk

Middle Chinese initial "知撤澄" is pronounced as either [t] or [tʰ] on Sanxiang's colloquial reading (白读), a trait uniquely shared by other Min languages.

Rime set
Word
Sanxiang tu tiu tʰiaʔ tai tiu tʰim tai
Xiamen ti tiũ tʰiaʔ tai tiu tʰim
Fuzhou ty tuoŋ tʰiɑʔ ta tieu tʰɛiŋ tɑŋ
Longdu ti tiɔŋ tʰ- ta tiu tʰɐm tɐŋ

Similar to other Southern Min languages, some Middle Chinese initial 日、疑、云(喻三) are pronounced as [h] on Sanxiang's colloquial reading (白读), a trait not shared by other Zhongshan Min (Longdu dialect and Nanlang dialect) which are part of Eastern Min.[25]

Rime set
Word
Sanxiang hioʔ hi hia hi hia hun hui him
Zhangzhou hioʔ hia hi hia hun huĩ hiɪŋ
Fuzhou nuoʔ ŋɛi ŋiɛ ŋy ŋuɑ huŋ huoŋ hyŋ huɔ
Longdu nɵʔ ŋi ŋiɛ ŋi ŋa un fɔn hoŋ fuɔ

Unique features

[edit]

One unique feature of Zhongshan Min, including Sanxiang dialect, is the presence of the consonant /f/ which is absent in much of the Min languages, suspected to be of Cantonese borrowing[32]. The Middle Chinese 三十六字母 (36 initials) correspondence in the literary reading (文读) of Sanxiang dialect is as follows[33]:

  • "非敷奉" are mostly pronounced [h-], retaining characteristics of Min dialect, but a few are pronounced [f-].
  • "溪" are respectively pronounced [h-] or [f-].
  • "晓匣" are respectively pronounced [f].
Irregular occurrence of Sanxiang /f/ in comparison with Middle Chinese initial set
Initial set
Word
Sanxiang hui fat̚ foŋ foŋ fɐi fan hu fan hɐŋ hi fo fui fɐi fɐt̚ fu
Longdu hui/fui fat̚ fɔŋ fɔŋ fɐi fan hu fan hɐŋ kʰi hui fɐi uɐt̚ fu
Hakka fui fat̚ fɔŋ fɔŋ fui fan fu fan hin hi fo foi fui fu
Xiamen hui huat̚ hɔŋ hɔŋ hui huan hu huan kʰiɪŋ kʰi kʰo hue hui hut̚

Another uniquely Sanxiang feature is the presence of the rime -ai and -au on some characters which corresponds to the Middle Chinese rimes 假 (二等) and 果 on the rime group (攝).[31] Sanxiang -ai and -au usually corresponds to Zhangzhou Hokkien rimes -ɛ and -o.

Sanxiang open rime diphthongization
Rime set
Word
Sanxiang t͡sau pau t͡sai pai tai kai hai ŋai
Zhangzhou t͡so po t͡se pa ɡɛ
Cantonese t͡sɔː pʰɔː t͡sʰɔː paː t͡sʰaː kaː haː ŋaː

This pattern with Zhangzhou dialect would continue on rimes with glottal stop -ʔ and on Zhangzhou's nasalized rimes.

Word
Sanxiang t͡sʰai tai paiʔ kʰaiʔ t͡sauʔ auʔ auʔ
Zhangzhou t͡sʰɛ̃ tɛ̃ pɛʔ kʰɛʔ t͡soʔ

Sometimes, some words can have irregular changes, such as [t͡sʰai˧]

Cantonese Influence

[edit]

Sanxiang's Cantonese influence can be seen in the occurrence of the vowel /ɐ/.

Minimal pairs of the vowel /a/ and /ɐ/
/a/ vs /ɐ/ -i -u -m -p -n -t
Word
Sanxiang pai pɐi kau kɐu sam sɐm t͡sap̚ t͡sɐp̚ man mɐn t͡sat̚ t͡sɐt̚
Cantonese paːi̯ pɐi̯ kou̯ kʰɐu̯ saːm sɐm t͡saːp̚ t͡saːp̚ maːn mɐn t͡saːt̚ t͡sɐt̚
Xiamen pai pi kau kau sam sim t͡sap̚ t͡sip̚ ban bin t͡sat̚ t͡sit̚

Sanxiang also has unique rimes øuŋ and øuk corresponding to Cantonese ʊŋ and ʊk or Taishanese ɵŋ and ɵk.

Rime -øuŋ -øuk
Word
Sanxiang t͡søuŋ køuŋ køuŋ øuŋ søuk̚ øuk̚ øuk̚
Taishanese t͡sɵŋ kɵŋ kʰɵŋ jɵŋ sɵk̚ jɵk̚
Cantonese t͡sʊŋ kʊŋ kʰʊŋ jʊŋ sʊk̚ jʊk̚ jʊk̚

Grammar

[edit]

Pronoun

[edit]

Personal pronouns

[edit]

Personal pronoun in Sanxiang dialect is similar to Teochew dialect. Plural forms of pronouns are achieved by suffixing -侬. Like other Southern Min languages, there is a distinction between an inclusive and exclusive we.[34]

Personal Pronouns in Sanxiang[35][36]
SingularPlural
1st person ua¹³ Inclusive 咱侬 lan¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵
Exclusive 我侬 ua¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵
2nd person li¹³ 汝侬 li¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵
3rd person i³³ 伊侬 i³³ naŋ⁵⁵

Sanxiang has the reflexive pronoun 家己 /ka³³ ki¹¹/[37] similar to Southern Min.

Dual pronouns can be achieved by suffixing 两侬 /nɐu³³ naŋ⁵⁵/ onto singular pronouns similar to Hokkien, equivalent to 俩 in Mandarin. Example: 伊两侬 /i³³ nɐu³³ naŋ⁵⁵/ (他俩; they both).

Possessive pronouns

[edit]

The possessives are consistently expressed by suffixing /ɐi⁵⁵/[38] after a subject.[35] Example: 阿李嘅大佬 (小李的哥哥; Little Li’s older brother), 侬嘅事干 (别人的事儿; someone else’s business).

Demonstrative pronouns

[edit]

Unlike other Southern Min languages, Sanxiang makes a three-way distinction between the demonstratives, namely the proximals and the distals with the addition of further distal. The basic determiners are /hɐi¹³/ "this" and /hu¹³/ "that", and for further distances 许头 /hu¹³⁻¹¹ tʰau⁵⁵/. They require at least a classifier and can be optionally preceded by a numeral.

Sanxiang Demonstratives[39][40]
ProximalDistalFurther
General Singular 喺个 hɐi¹³ kɐi⁵⁵ 许个 hu¹³ kɐi⁵⁵ 许头阿个 hu¹³ tʰau⁵⁵⁻²¹ ɔ³³ kɐi⁵⁵
Collective 喺兮 hɐi¹³ ai⁵⁵ 许兮 hu¹³ ai⁵⁵ 许头一囝 hu¹³ tʰau⁵⁵⁻²¹ it²¹⁻³³ kia¹³
Spatial 喺兮 hɐi¹³ ai⁵⁵ 许兮 hu¹³ ai⁵⁵ 许头 hu¹³ tʰau⁵⁵
喺片地 hɐi¹³ pʰan²¹³⁻³³ tɐi¹¹ 许片地 hu¹³ pʰan²¹³⁻³³ tɐi¹¹
Temporal 喺阵时 hɐi¹³ t͡sin¹¹⁻³³ si⁵⁵ 许阵时 hu¹³ t͡sin¹¹⁻³³ si⁵⁵

Interrogative pronouns

[edit]

Zhongshan Min retains the usage of "底", adding it before certain pronouns to express interrogative:

Sanxiang Interrogative Pronouns[41]
who / whom 底侬 te¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵
whichsingular 底个 te¹³⁻¹¹ kɐi⁵⁵
collective 底兮 te¹³⁻¹¹ ai⁵⁵
where te¹³
when 乜时候
what 乜儗
what (kind of) + noun 怎形
how many; how much kui¹³

Numeral

[edit]

Across all Min languages, there are two pronunciations for 一 and 二 across dialects. When used for denoting quantities in Sanxiang, the pronunciation 一 /tit̚²¹/ and 两 /nɐu³³/ are used.[42] The contrast between the two pronunciations (numeral vs quantity) can be seen in the following example:[43]

Rime Numeral Quantity
Word 第一 第二 一斗 两张
Sanxiang tai³³ it̚²¹ tai³³ zi¹¹ tit̚²¹⁻³³ tau¹³ nɐu³³ tiu³³
Zhangzhou te²²⁻²¹ it̚³² te²²⁻²¹ d͡zi²² t͡sit̚¹²¹⁻²¹ tau⁵³ nɔ̃²²⁻²¹ tiɔ̃⁴⁴
Fuzhou tɛ²⁴²⁻⁵³ ɛiʔ²⁴ tɛ²⁴²⁻⁵³ nˡɛi²⁴² suoʔ⁵⁻³³ (t-)lau³³ l̃aŋ²⁴²⁻⁵⁵ (t-)nuoŋ⁵⁵

Generally, 一 /it̚²¹/ and 二 /zi¹¹/ are used for:

  • Ordinal number: 第一, 第二
  • Counting tens or less: 二十四, 十一

While 一 /tit̚²¹/ and 两 /nɐu³³/ are used for:

  • Denoting amount/ quantity: 一斗, 两张
  • Counting larger than tens: 两百, 一万

Aside from that, Sanxiang has additional pronunciations of 一 /iɐk̚²¹/ and 二 /ŋi¹¹/ as the surrounding Shiqi (石岐) or Xiafang (下方) Cantonese. Same can be said about the origin for the literary pronunciation (文读) of 四.[41]

Sanxiang Numeral[44]
Numeral 1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Sanxiang it̚²¹ zi¹¹ sam³³ si¹¹ ŋ̍³³ lok̚⁵³ t͡sʰat̚²¹ pat̚²¹ kau¹¹ siɐp̚⁵³
iɐk̚²¹ ŋi¹¹ sa³³ si²¹³ ŋɔ¹¹ lak̚⁵³ t͡sʰit̚²¹ paiʔ²¹ kau¹³ t͡siep̚⁵³
Zhangzhou it̚³² d͡zi²² sam⁴⁴ su²¹ ŋɔ̃⁵³ liɔk̚¹²¹ t͡sʰit̚³² pat̚³² kiu⁵³ sip̚¹²¹
t͡sit̚¹²¹ sã⁴⁴ si²¹ ɡɔ²² lak̚¹²¹ peʔ³² kau⁵³ t͡sap̚¹²¹
Fuzhou ɛiʔ²⁴ nˡɛi²⁴² saŋ⁵⁵ søy²¹³ ŋu³³ l̃øyʔ⁵ t͡sʰɛiʔ²⁴ paiʔ²⁴ kieu³³ sɛiʔ⁵
suoʔ⁵ nɑ²⁴² sɛi²¹³ ŋou²⁴² kau³³

Approximate numbers are mostly expressed with 零 /leŋ⁵⁵/[45], such as: 十零个 (十几个; a dozen or so), 百零侬 (百来人; a hundred or so people), 三十零个猪 (三十多只猪; thirty or so pigs).[46]

The word 一 /tit̚²¹/ can usually be omitted in the following cases:

  • Before 百、千、万……[43]: 一百(千、万……)几十 is said as 百(千、万……)几十. As is common in Sinitc languages, the next quantifier can also be omitted. For example, 一百一十, 一百几十, and 一万七千 can simply be said as 百一, 一百几十, and 万七. However this only applies to round numbers. 一百一十四 must be said fully as /tit̚²¹ paiʔ²¹ it̚²¹ t͡siep̚⁵³ si²¹³/.
  • Before classifiers (量词)[47][48]: It can usually be omitted unless the amount is emphasized, similar to Yue and Hakka. For example: 借我管书 (借我一本书吧; lend me a book); 伊食噤条鱼 (他吃了一条鱼; he ate a fish).
English Mandarin Zhangzhou Sanxiang Cantonese Meixian
Give me a book 给我一本书 予我一本册 放本书我 畀本书我 分本书𠊎
Tell him 跟他说一声 讲一声予伊听 讲声伊听 讲声佢听 讲声佢听

Verb

[edit]

Like other Sinitic languages, Sanxiang is an aspect heavy, analytic language.

Aspect

[edit]
Aspect Sanxiang Zhangzhou Cantonese Mandarin Type
Progressive
/kin¹¹/

/li⁴⁴/
喺度
/hɐi̯³⁵ tou̯²²/
正(在) Prefix
Continuous
/kin¹¹/

/lɛʔ³²/

/kɐn³⁵/
Suffix
Perfective 噤/直
/kɐm²¹³ ; tit²¹/

/a²¹/

/t͡sɔː³⁵/
Suffix
Experiential
/kuoi²¹³/

/kue²¹/

/kʷɔː³³/
Suffix
Delimitative
/ai¹¹/
一下
/t͡sit̚¹²¹⁻²¹ ɛ²²/
一下
/jɐt̚⁵ haː¹/
一下 Suffix
Continuative
/ia¹¹/
犹(佫)
/iau⁵³⁻⁴⁴ koʔ³²/

/t͡sʰʊŋ¹³/
Prefix
Inchoative 浮/开
/pʰu¹¹ ; kʰui¹¹/
起(…)嚟
/hei̯³⁵ lei̯²¹/
起(…)来 Suffix

The word 紧 /kin¹¹/ has two functions in Sanxiang:

  • It marks progressive aspect if prefixed on verbs. Progressive aspect indicates an action or change that is in progress.[49]

i³³

3SG

mi³³

sleep

kin¹¹⁻³³

PROG

hi²¹³⁻³³

go to

眠床

bin⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰou⁵⁵

bed

tʰɐi¹³⁻¹¹

see

书。

t͡su³³.

book

伊 眯 紧 去 眠床 睇 书。

i³³ mi³³ kin¹¹⁻³³ hi²¹³⁻³³ {bin⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰou⁵⁵} tʰɐi¹³⁻¹¹ t͡su³³.

3SG sleep PROG {go to} bed see book

'He is lying in bed reading a book.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 他正躺在床上看书。)
  • Unlike other Zhongshan Min, it can mark continuous aspect if prefixed on verbs. Continuous aspect indicates an action or state that is maintained.[50]

门喙

mui⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰui²¹³

doorway

kʰia³³

stand

kin¹¹⁻³³

CONT

nɐu³³

two

kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹

CL

侬。

naŋ⁵⁵.

person

门喙 徛 紧 两 个 侬。

{mui⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰui²¹³} kʰia³³ kin¹¹⁻³³ nɐu³³ kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹ naŋ⁵⁵.

doorway stand CONT two CL person

'Two people are standing at the door.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 门口站着两个人。)

Perfective aspect is marked by 噤 /kɐm²¹³/ or 直 /tit²¹/. Both are interchangeable. They indicate that the action is in a completed state, and have little to do with the time the action occurred.[50]

li¹³

2SG

kau³³

pay

直/噤

kɐm²¹³/tit²¹

PFV

t͡sʰi⁵⁵

money

boi¹¹

NEG

啊?

a.

MOD

汝 交 直/噤 钱 未 啊?

li¹³ kau³³ {kɐm²¹³/tit²¹} t͡sʰi⁵⁵ boi¹¹ a.

2SG pay PFV money NEG MOD

'Have you paid the money?'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 你交了钱没有?)

噤 /kɐm²¹³/ or 直 /tit²¹/ can also be used after adjectives to indicate the completion of a change in quality or state. In such sentences, the adjective's function is similar to that of a verb:

ua¹³

1SG

kin¹¹⁻³³

CL

sa³³

shirt

ku¹¹⁻³³

old

噤。

kɐm²¹³.

PFV

我 件 衫 旧 噤。

ua¹³ kin¹¹⁻³³ sa³³ ku¹¹⁻³³ kɐm²¹³.

1SG CL shirt old PFV

'My shirt is old.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 我这件衣服旧了。)

Experiential aspect works the same as Mandarin, Hokkien, and Cantonese:[51]

ua¹³

1SG

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

kuoi²¹³⁻³³

EXP

蕉只

t͡siu³³ t͡si¹³

banana

taŋ⁵⁵

and

荔枝。

lai¹¹ ki³³.

lychee

我 食 过 蕉只 同 荔枝。

ua¹³ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² kuoi²¹³⁻³³ {t͡siu³³ t͡si¹³} taŋ⁵⁵ {lai¹¹ ki³³.}

1SG eat EXP banana and lychee

'We've eaten bananas and lychees.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 我们吃过香蕉和荔枝。)

Delimitative aspect can be expressed by suffixing 下 /ai¹¹/:[52]

汝侬

li¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵

2PL

kɔ¹³⁻¹¹

guess

ai¹¹⁻³³

DEL

灯。

tieŋ³³.

lantern

汝侬 估 下 灯。

{li¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵} kɔ¹³⁻¹¹ ai¹¹⁻³³ tieŋ³³.

2PL guess DEL lantern

'Try to guess the lantern riddle.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 你们猜一猜灯谜。)

Continuative aspect is indicated with 也 /ia¹¹/, the only one to do so amongst other Zhongshan Min.[10] It represent actions that are still happening, similar to Mandarin 还:

tia¹³

pot

ia¹¹

inside

u¹¹

EXIST

pui¹¹

rice

aʔ⁵³⁻²

or

无?

mɐu⁵⁵.

NEG

鼎 也 有 饭 抑 无?

tia¹³ ia¹¹ u¹¹ pui¹¹ aʔ⁵³⁻² mɐu⁵⁵.

pot inside EXIST rice or NEG

'Is there still any rice left in the pot?'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 锅里还有饭没有?)

A unique trait of Sanxiang, like other Zhongshan Min, is the inchoative aspect. It is done by suffixing 浮 or 开:

i³³

3SG

tit̚²¹⁻³³

once

kʰau²¹³⁻³³

cry

浮/开

pʰu¹¹/kʰui¹¹

INCH

t͡sɐu³³

then

m̩¹¹

NEG

tʰieŋ⁵⁵⁻²¹

stop

啦。

la³³.

MOD

伊 一 哭 浮/开 就 唔 停 啦。

i³³ tit̚²¹⁻³³ kʰau²¹³⁻³³ {pʰu¹¹/kʰui¹¹} t͡sɐu³³ m̩¹¹ tʰieŋ⁵⁵⁻²¹ la³³.

3SG once cry INCH then NEG stop MOD

'Once he/she starts to cry, he/she doesn't stop.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 她一哭起来就没完没了。)

Some aspects requires a special syntax, such as the iterative aspect: A + 下 + A + 下 [53]

讲下讲下,

kou¹³⁻¹¹ ai¹¹⁻³³ kou¹³⁻¹¹ ai¹¹⁻³³,

speak-ITER

伊两侬

i³³ nɐu³³ naŋ⁵⁵

3DU

拍浮交

pʰaʔ²¹ pʰu¹¹⁻³³ kau³³

fight-INCH

(上来)。

(tsiu¹¹⁻³³ lai⁵⁵).

(INCH)

讲下讲下, 伊两侬 拍浮交 (上来)。

{kou¹³⁻¹¹ ai¹¹⁻³³ kou¹³⁻¹¹ ai¹¹⁻³³,} {i³³ nɐu³³ naŋ⁵⁵} {pʰaʔ²¹ pʰu¹¹⁻³³ kau³³} {(tsiu¹¹⁻³³ lai⁵⁵)}.

speak-ITER 3DU fight-INCH (INCH)

'While talking over and over again, they started fighting.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 谈着说着,他俩打起架来。)

Non-monosyllabic verbs

[edit]

For non monosyllabic verbs, if the verb consist of verb-noun complement, then any complements are to be put directly after the verb and before the noun:

內底

lɐi¹¹⁻³³ te¹³⁻¹¹

inside

开紧会。

kʰui¹¹⁻³³ kin¹¹⁻³³ ui³³.

hold a meeting-CONT

內底 开紧会。

{lɐi¹¹⁻³³ te¹³⁻¹¹} {kʰui¹¹⁻³³ kin¹¹⁻³³ ui³³}.

inside {hold a meeting-CONT}

'A meeting is taking place inside.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 里面正在开会。)

i³³

3SG

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

kɐm²¹³⁻³³

PFV

饭。

pui¹¹.

rice

伊 食 噤 饭。

i³³ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² kɐm²¹³⁻³³ pui¹¹.

3SG eat PFV rice

'He ate rice.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 他吃了饭。)

i³³

3SG

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

kʰui¹¹

INCH

in³³

cigarette

m̩¹¹

NEG

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

唔得。

m̩¹¹ tit̚²¹.

won't do

伊 食 开 烟 唔 食 唔得。

i³³ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² kʰui¹¹ in³³ m̩¹¹ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² {m̩¹¹ tit̚²¹}.

3SG eat INCH cigarette NEG eat {won't do}

'He can't stop smoking once he starts.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 里面正在开会。)

Other Complements

[edit]
Type Sanxiang Zhangzhou Cantonese Mandarin Note
Gnomic
/u¹¹/

/u²²/

/jɐu̯¹³/
[i] Prefix, emphasizes an action has been done.
Resultative
/tau¹³/

/tioʔ¹²¹/

/tou̯³⁵/
Suffix, indicates successful completion of an action.
Exhaustion
/tʰɐiʔ²¹/
了了
/liau⁵³⁻⁴⁴ liau⁵³/[ii]

/saːi̯³³/
光(光)[iii] Suffix, indicates exhaustion of verbs resulting in nothing left.
Priority 就先
/t͡sɐu³³ sai³³/

/siɪŋ⁴⁴/

/siːn⁵⁵/
[iv] Equivalent to 先 in Mandarin.
  1. Mandarin typically has no gnomic, the use of 有 for such cases is uncommon.
  2. Also less commonly 澈澈 in Hokkien.
  3. Also 光了 in Mandarin.
  4. Unlike other languages, 先 is a prefix in Mandarin.

Similar to Cantonese and Hokkien, Sanxiang dialect can convey gnomic aspect. This is done by prefixing verbs with 有 /u¹¹/:[51]

ua¹³

1SG

u¹¹⁻³³

GNO

be³³

buy

火水。

hoi¹³⁻¹¹ tsui¹³.

kerosene

我 有 买 火水。

ua¹³ u¹¹⁻³³ be³³ {hoi¹³⁻¹¹ tsui¹³.}

1SG GNO buy kerosene

'I bought kerosene.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 我买了煤油。)

The negative of gnomic is achieved by 无 /mɐu⁵⁵/:

i³³

3SG

mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹

GNO-NEG

t͡sin¹³⁻¹¹

go

学堂。

auʔ⁵³⁻² tou⁵⁵.

school

伊 无 转 学堂。

i³³ mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sin¹³⁻¹¹ {auʔ⁵³⁻² tou⁵⁵}.

3SG GNO-NEG go school

'He didn't go to school.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 他没去上学。)

Sanxiang, similar to Cantonese and Mandarin, uses 到 to indicate a successful completion of an action:[54]

ua¹³

1SG

siu³³

receive

tau¹³⁻¹¹

RES

li¹³

2SG

ɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹

POSS

信。

sin²¹³.

letter

我 收 到 汝 嘅 信。

ua¹³ siu³³ tau¹³⁻¹¹ li¹³ ɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹ sin²¹³.

1SG receive RES 2SG POSS letter

'I received your letter.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 我收到你的信。)

Similar to Cantonese, the inability to achieve a successful completion of an action is indicated with 唔到 /m̩¹¹ tau¹³/:[55]

kʰɐu¹¹⁻³³

hide

kin¹¹⁻³³

CONT

tu³³

in

底?

te¹³?

where

ua¹³

1SG

uɐn¹³⁻¹¹

search

m̩¹¹

NEG

到。

tau¹³.

RES

囥 紧 伫 底? 我 揾 唔 到。

kʰɐu¹¹⁻³³ kin¹¹⁻³³ tu³³ te¹³? ua¹³ uɐn¹³⁻¹¹ m̩¹¹ tau¹³.

hide CONT in where 1SG search NEG RES

'Where is it hidden? I can't find it.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 藏着在哪里?我找不到。)

Sanxiang can indicate exhaustion with the suffix 澈(澈), denoting that there are no objects left upon completion of the action:[56]

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

tʰɐiʔ²¹⁻³³

completely

配,

pʰui³³

dish

唔好

m¹¹ hɐu¹³⁻¹¹

NEG-IMP

隔暝。

kaiʔ²¹⁻³³ mɐi⁵⁵.

overnight

食 澈 配, 唔好 隔暝。

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² tʰɐiʔ²¹⁻³³ pʰui³³ {m¹¹ hɐu¹³⁻¹¹} {kaiʔ²¹⁻³³ mɐi⁵⁵.}

eat completely dish NEG-IMP overnight

'Eat all the food, don't leave it overnight.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 把菜吃光,别留隔夜。)

伊侬

i³³ naŋ⁵⁵

3PL

t͡siɔŋ³³

PREP

鸡汤

ke³³ tʰou³³

chicken soup

tɔ³³

all

ŋim¹³⁻¹¹

drink

澈澈。

tʰɐiʔ²¹⁻³³ tʰɐiʔ²¹.

completely

伊侬 将 鸡汤 都 饮 澈澈。

{i³³ naŋ⁵⁵} t͡siɔŋ³³ {ke³³ tʰou³³} tɔ³³ ŋim¹³⁻¹¹ {tʰɐiʔ²¹⁻³³ tʰɐiʔ²¹.}

3PL PREP {chicken soup} all drink completely

'They ate all the chicken soup completely.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 他们把鸡汤都喝光了。)

It can also be used in certain expression such as 多谢澈 /to³³ t͡sia²¹³⁻³³ tʰɐiʔ²¹/ (非常感谢; Thank you very much!).

In Sanxiang, 就先 /t͡sɐu³³ sai³³/ or 做先 /t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ sai³³/ has multiple functions:[57]

  • Indicates that an action occurs before the related action

ua¹³

1SG

已经

i¹³⁻¹¹ kieŋ³³

already

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

kɐm²¹³⁻³³

PFV

tit̚²¹⁻³³

one

ua¹³⁻¹¹

bowl

就先

t͡sɐu³³ sai³³

first

啦。

la³³.

MOD

我 已经 食 噤 一 碗 就先 啦。

ua¹³ {i¹³⁻¹¹ kieŋ³³} t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² kɐm²¹³⁻³³ tit̚²¹⁻³³ ua¹³⁻¹¹ {t͡sɐu³³ sai³³} la³³.

1SG already eat PFV one bowl first MOD

'I have already eaten a bowl.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 我已经先吃了一碗了。)
  • Indicates that a certain situation should be addressed temporarily, and other matters should be discussed later.

ua¹³

1SG

tɔ³³

always

iu³³

need

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

t͡sin¹³⁻¹¹

up

tit̚²¹⁻³³

one

ua¹³⁻¹¹

bowl

做先。

t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ sai³³.

first

我 都 要 食 转 一 碗 做先。

ua¹³ tɔ³³ iu³³ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² t͡sin¹³⁻¹¹ tit̚²¹⁻³³ ua¹³⁻¹¹ {t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ sai³³}.

1SG always need eat up one bowl first

'I need to eat a bowl first.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 我都要先吃上一碗。)
  • Indicates that a certain situation needs to be clarified first, and other matters should be discussed later.

kou¹³

say

清楚

t͡sʰieŋ³³ t͡sʰɔ¹³⁻¹¹

clear

si¹¹⁻³³

COP

底侬

te¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵

who

pʰaʔ²¹⁻³³

hit

底侬

te¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵

who

做先。

t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ sai³³.

first

讲 清楚 是 底侬 拍 底侬 做先。

kou¹³ {t͡sʰieŋ³³ t͡sʰɔ¹³⁻¹¹} si¹¹⁻³³ {te¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵} pʰaʔ²¹⁻³³ {te¹³⁻¹¹ naŋ⁵⁵} {t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ sai³³.}

say clear COP who hit who first

'Make it clear who hit whom first.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 说明白是谁打谁呀。)

The usage of 得 differ amongst the Zhongshan Min languages:

Function Mandarin Zhangjiabian Nanlang Longdu Sanxiang Example (Nanlang)
Connect verb with
degree of complement

tit̚⁵

tit̚⁵

tit̚²¹
许个查某囝生貌貌貌貌。[58]
Expressing ability
(interrogative)
伊捌抑(是)唔捌[59]
Expressing ability 写字计数伊都[60]
Expressing possibility
(Complements required)
可能 得/好
hou²⁴

lai⁵⁵
先下有做,无食。[59][61]
Expressing authorization 可以 ? ? 你早晏来都[52]

In Sanxiang, the usage of 得 is as follows:

  • Connecting verbs with a degree complement:

许个

hu¹³ kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹

that

查某囝

t͡sam³³ mou¹³⁻¹¹ kia¹³

girl

sai³³

look

tit²¹⁻³³

is

貌貌貌貌。

mau³³ mau³³ mau³³ mau³³.

extremely beautiful

许个 查某囝 生 得 貌貌貌貌。

{hu¹³ kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹} {t͡sam³³ mou¹³⁻¹¹ kia¹³} sai³³ tit²¹⁻³³ {mau³³ mau³³ mau³³ mau³³.}

that girl look is {extremely beautiful}

'That girl is extremely beautiful.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 那个女孩儿长得极漂亮。)
  • Less commonly, it can used as a verb suffix without complements, indicating ability:

i³³

he

pit²¹⁻³³

know

tit²¹⁻³³

can

抑是

a³³ si¹¹⁻³³

or

m̩¹¹

NEG

pit²¹⁻³³

know

得?

tit²¹.

can

伊 捌 得 抑是 唔 捌 得?

i³³ pit²¹⁻³³ tit²¹⁻³³ {a³³ si¹¹⁻³³} m̩¹¹ pit²¹⁻³³ tit²¹.

he know can or NEG know can

'Can he recognize him?'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 他认不认得?)
  • In Sanxing, such verb suffix indicating ability can be used to end sentences:

写字

sia¹³⁻¹¹ t͡si¹¹⁻³³

writing

算数

sui²¹³⁻³³ siau²¹³⁻³³

arithmetic

记账,

ki²¹³⁻³³ t͡sioŋ²¹³⁻³³,

bookkeeping

i³³

she

tɔ³³

all

t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³

do

得。

tit²¹.

can

写字 算数 记账, 伊 都 做 得。

{sia¹³⁻¹¹ t͡si¹¹⁻³³} {sui²¹³⁻³³ siau²¹³⁻³³} {ki²¹³⁻³³ t͡sioŋ²¹³⁻³³,} i³³ tɔ³³ t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ tit²¹.

writing arithmetic bookkeeping she all do can

'Writing, arithmetic, and bookkeeping, she's good at all of them.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 写字算数记账,她都行。)

While Sanxiang shares the same gnomic "有" function with Min and Yue, it has an additional syntax 有来 + Verb to affirm the existence of an action, similar to Cantonese "有得":

早阵时

t͡sa¹³⁻¹¹ t͡sin¹¹⁻³³ si⁵⁵⁻²¹

past

有来

u¹¹⁻³³ lai⁵⁵⁻²¹

EXIST

t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³

do

无来

mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹ lai⁵⁵⁻²¹

NEG-EXIST

食。

t͡siaʔ⁵³.

eat

早阵时 有来 做 无来 食。

{t͡sa¹³⁻¹¹ t͡sin¹¹⁻³³ si⁵⁵⁻²¹} {u¹¹⁻³³ lai⁵⁵⁻²¹} t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ {mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹ lai⁵⁵⁻²¹} t͡siaʔ⁵³.

past EXIST do NEG-EXIST eat

'In the past, there was something to do, but nothing to eat.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 过去有的做,没的吃。)

Negation

[edit]

Sanxiang has multiple negations:[62]

Sanxiang Zhangzhou Cantonese Mandarin Note

/m̩¹¹/

/m̩²²/

/m̩²¹/
Can be placed after verbs if followed by adjective.

/mɐu⁵⁵/

/bo¹³/

/mou̯¹³/
唔好
/m̩¹¹ hɐu¹³/

/mãi²¹/
唔好
/m̩²¹ hou̯³⁵/
Interchangeable with the contracted form /mɐu¹³/.

/boi¹¹/

/bue²²/

/mei̯²²/
[i] Interchangeable with both 唔曾 /m¹¹ t͡sieŋ⁵⁵/ and 未曾 /boi¹¹ t͡sieŋ⁵⁵/.
  1. Mandarin has no specific word to convey the meaning of "not yet". 没、没有、不曾 can all convey the meaning. The usage of 未 is uncommon in Mandarin.

唔 is used like how it is in Cantonese, similar to Mandarin 不.

ua¹³

1SG

m¹¹

NEG

tʰɐi¹³⁻¹¹

see

大戏,

tua¹¹⁻³³ kʰui²¹³,

Cantonese Opera

ua¹³

1SG

tʰɐi¹³⁻¹¹

see

电视。

tin¹¹⁻³³ si³³.

television

我 唔 睇 大戏, 我 睇 电视。

ua¹³ m¹¹ tʰɐi¹³⁻¹¹ {tua¹¹⁻³³ kʰui²¹³,} ua¹³ tʰɐi¹³⁻¹¹ {tin¹¹⁻³³ si³³}.

1SG NEG see {Cantonese Opera} 1SG see television

'I don't watch Cantonese opera, I want to watch television.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 我不看粤剧,我想看电视。)

唔 can be placed after verbs if followed by adjective which directly complements the verb.

tʰia³³

listen

m¹¹

NEG

清楚

t͡sʰieŋ³³ t͡sʰɔ¹³⁻¹¹

clear

t͡sɐu³³

then

唔好

m¹¹ hɐu¹³⁻¹¹

NEG-IMP

讲。

kou¹³.

say

听 唔 清楚 就 唔好 讲。

tʰia³³ m¹¹ {t͡sʰieŋ³³ t͡sʰɔ¹³⁻¹¹} t͡sɐu³³ {m¹¹ hɐu¹³⁻¹¹} kou¹³.

listen NEG clear then NEG-IMP say

'Don't say (a thing) if you don't hear it clearly.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 没听清楚就别说。)

Another negative in Sanxiang is 无, used similarly to Cantonese 冇 and Mandarin 没.

mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹

NEG

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

kuoi²¹³⁻³³

EXP

t͡sɐu³³

then

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

ka³³

more

一囝。

tit̚²¹⁻³³ kia¹³.

a bit

无 食 过 就 食 加 一囝。

mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² kuoi²¹³⁻³³ t͡sɐu³³ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² ka³³ {tit̚²¹⁻³³ kia¹³.}

NEG eat EXP then eat more {a bit}

'If you haven't eaten it, eat a little more.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 没吃过就多吃一点儿吧。)

Negative imperative is expressed with 唔好 similar to Cantonese.

唔好

m¹¹ hɐu¹³⁻¹¹

NEG-IMP

pɔŋ⁵⁵⁻²¹

help

i³³

1SG

讲。

kou¹³.

speak

唔好 帮 伊 讲。

{m¹¹ hɐu¹³⁻¹¹} pɔŋ⁵⁵⁻²¹ i³³ kou¹³.

NEG-IMP help 1SG speak

'Don't help him speak.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 别帮他说话。)

孬 /mɐu¹³/ is a contraction of 唔好 /m̩¹¹⁻³³ hɐu¹³/, and both are interchangeable.

tʰia³³

listen

m¹¹

NEG

清楚

t͡sʰieŋ³³ t͡sʰɔ¹³⁻¹¹

clear

t͡sɐu³³

then

mɐu¹³

NEG-IMP

讲。

kou¹³.

say

听 唔 清楚 就 孬 讲。

tʰia³³ m¹¹ {t͡sʰieŋ³³ t͡sʰɔ¹³⁻¹¹} t͡sɐu³³ mɐu¹³ kou¹³.

listen NEG clear then NEG-IMP say

'Don't say (a thing) if you don't hear it clearly.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 没听清楚就别说。)

未 is used similarly to how it is used in Cantonese and Hokkien, conveying the meaning "not yet".[63]

tʰi³³

sky

boi¹¹

NEG-SEM

kui³³

bright

i³³

3SG

t͡sɐu³³

already

t͡sʰut²¹⁻³³

go out

kɐm²¹³

PFV

去。

hi²¹³.

AND

天 未 光 伊 就 出 噤 去。

tʰi³³ boi¹¹ kui³³ i³³ t͡sɐu³³ t͡sʰut²¹⁻³³ kɐm²¹³ hi²¹³.

sky NEG-SEM bright 3SG already {go out} PFV AND

'He even went out before dawn.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 天没亮他就出门了。)

“唔曾” and “未曾” are both used interchangeably in Zhongshan Min dialect. Like “未”, they are placed at the end of a sentence to form an interrogative sentence.[64]

li¹³

2SG

hi²¹³⁻³³

go

kuoi²¹³⁻³³

EXP

北京

pak²¹⁻³³ kieŋ³³

Beijing

唔曾

m¹¹ t͡sieŋ⁵⁵

NEG-SEM

/未

/boi¹¹

/NEG-SEM

/未曾?

/boi¹¹ t͡sieŋ⁵⁵.

/NEG-SEM

汝 去 过 北京 唔曾 /未 /未曾?

li¹³ hi²¹³⁻³³ kuoi²¹³⁻³³ {pak²¹⁻³³ kieŋ³³} {m¹¹ t͡sieŋ⁵⁵} /boi¹¹ {/boi¹¹ t͡sieŋ⁵⁵}.

2SG go EXP Beijing NEG-SEM /NEG-SEM /NEG-SEM

'Have you been to Beijing?'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 你去过北京吗?)

Negation comparison with other dialects:

English Mandarin Zhangzhou Sanxiang Catonese
Are you going or not? 你去还是不去呀? 汝去抑是毋去? 汝去抑是唔去? 你去定係唔去?
He didn't hear clearly and
started talking nonsense.
他没听清楚就乱说 伊无听清楚着乌白讲 伊无听清楚就乱讲 佢冇听清楚就乱讲
Take it, don't put it down 拿着,别放下来 提咧,莫下落来 挈紧,唔好安落来 搦紧,唔好放低来
He has never eaten lychee 他没吃过荔枝 伊未食过荔枝 伊未食过荔枝 佢未食过荔枝

Syntax

[edit]

Sanxiang, like other Zhongshan Min, has the multifunctional word 放[65] which functions similarly to Hokkien 予.

Function English Mandarin Zhangzhou Sanxiang Cantonese
Verb To let
hɔ²²

paŋ²¹³
tɐŋ³⁵
To give
pei̯³⁵
Particle Passive voice 被/叫/给
Dative marker

Example sentences:

English Mandarin Zhangzhou Sanxiang Catonese
Let her watch Cantonese opera 让她看粤剧 予伊看粤剧 伊睇大戏 等佢睇大戏
Give them some money 给他们一些钱 予伊人一寡钱 伊侬囝钱 畀佢哋啲钱
The fish was eaten by a cat 鱼被猫吃了 鱼予猫食矣 条鱼猫儿食噤 条鱼畀猫食咗
I buy bitter melon for you 我给你买苦瓜 我买苦瓜予汝 我买菩督 我买苦瓜畀你

Passive construction

[edit]

The passive voice structure in Zhongshan Min dialect is the same as in Mandarin and Hokkien. It is introduced by the preposition "放".[56]

san¹³⁻¹¹

thin

gɐu⁵⁵

meat

paŋ²¹³⁻³³

PASS

ua¹³

1SG

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

澈。

tʰɐi²¹³.

completely

㾪 肴 放 我 食 澈。

san¹³⁻¹¹ gɐu⁵⁵ paŋ²¹³⁻³³ ua¹³ t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² tʰɐi²¹³.

thin meat PASS 1SG eat completely

'The lean meat was completely eaten by me.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 瘦肉叫我吃光了)

The agent must appear and cannot be omitted,[66] similar to Hokkien and Teochew.

i³³

3SG

细佬

sɐi²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³

younger brother

paŋ²¹³⁻³³

PASS

伊侬

i³³ naŋ⁵⁵

3PL

ŋak²¹⁻³³

deceive

噤。

kɐm²¹³.

PFV

伊 细佬 放 伊侬 呃 噤。

i³³ {sɐi²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³} paŋ²¹³⁻³³ {i³³ naŋ⁵⁵} ŋak²¹⁻³³ kɐm²¹³.

3SG {younger brother} PASS 3PL deceive PFV

'His younger brother was tricked (by someone).'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 他弟弟让人给骗了)

Disposal construction

[edit]

Disposal construction (处置式) or more commonly known as bǎ construction allows a normally SVO sentence in a Sinitic language to form an SOV structure. In Zhongshan Min, including Sanxiang, this construction is introduced by the word 将 /t͡siɔŋ³³/ similar to Cantonese and Hakka.[51] While this word exists in Mandarin and Hokkien, the more commonly used and default counterpart would be 把 in Mandarin and 共 /ka²²/ in Hokkien.

li¹³

2SG

t͡siɔŋ³³

PREP

i³³

3SG

t͡sʰia¹³⁻¹¹

invite

来。

lai⁵⁵.

AND

汝 将 伊 请 来。

li¹³ t͡siɔŋ³³ i³³ t͡sʰia¹³⁻¹¹ lai⁵⁵.

2SG PREP 3SG invite AND

'You invite him here.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 你把他请来)

t͡siɔŋ³³

PREP

kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹

CL

石头牯

t͡siuʔ⁵³⁻² tʰau⁵⁵⁻²¹ kɔ¹³

stone

pʰiek⁵³⁻²

throw

lɔk⁵³⁻²

ILL

t͡sui¹³⁻¹¹

water

兮。

ai⁵⁵.

inside

将 个 石头牯 擗 落 水 兮。

t͡siɔŋ³³ kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹ {t͡siuʔ⁵³⁻² tʰau⁵⁵⁻²¹ kɔ¹³} pʰiek⁵³⁻² lɔk⁵³⁻² t͡sui¹³⁻¹¹ ai⁵⁵.

PREP CL stone throw ILL water inside

'Throw the stone into the water.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 把石头扔进水里)

The word 将 can be omitted. However, the word referring to the object of disposal is placed after the verb, followed by 伊 to reiterate the object of disposal, the syntax is as follows: Verb + Object + 伊

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻²

eat

tʰɐi²¹³⁻³³

completely

ai⁵⁵⁻²¹

CL

pʰui³³

dish

i³³

3SG

啦!

la³³!

IMP

食 澈 兮 配 伊 啦!

t͡siaʔ⁵³⁻² tʰɐi²¹³⁻³³ ai⁵⁵⁻²¹ pʰui³³ i³³ la³³!

eat completely CL dish 3SG IMP

'Eat all the dishes!'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 把这些菜吃光吧!)

muaʔ⁵³⁻²

wipe

虔诚

kʰin¹¹⁻³³ seŋ¹¹⁻³³

clean

tiu³³

CL

t͡sʰau⁵⁵

table

i³³

3SG

啦!

la³³!

IMP

抹 虔诚 张 床 伊 啦!

muaʔ⁵³⁻² {kʰin¹¹⁻³³ seŋ¹¹⁻³³} tiu³³ t͡sʰau⁵⁵ i³³ la³³!

wipe clean CL table 3SG IMP

'Wipe the table clean!'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 把桌子抹干净吧!)

Alternatively, the object (the recipient of the action) can be placed at the beginning of the sentence, followed by the verb and then a singular (third-person) pronoun "伊" to reiterate the object: Object + Verb + 伊

事干

si³³ kɔn²¹³⁻³³

matter

t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³

do

tʰɐi²¹³⁻³³

completely

i³³

3SG

啦!

la³³!

IMP

事干 做 澈 伊 啦!

{si³³ kɔn²¹³⁻³³} t͡sɐu²¹³⁻³³ tʰɐi²¹³⁻³³ i³³ la³³!

matter do completely 3SG IMP

'Finish the work!'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 把事儿干完吧!)

kan³³

CL

t͡sʰu²¹³

house

sau²¹³⁻³³

sweep

虔诚

kʰin¹¹⁻³³ seŋ¹¹⁻³³

clean

i³³

3SG

啦!

la³³!

IMP

间 厝 扫 虔诚 伊 啦!

kan³³ t͡sʰu²¹³ sau²¹³⁻³³ {kʰin¹¹⁻³³ seŋ¹¹⁻³³} i³³ la³³!

CL house sweep clean 3SG IMP

'Sweep the house clean!'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 把屋子扫干净吧!)

Disposal construction comparison with other dialects:[67]

English Mandarin Zhangzhou Sanxiang Catonese
You invite him here 你把他请来 汝共伊请来 汝将伊请来 你将佢请来
Drink up the soup! 把汤喝完吧 汤啉予伊澈澈 汤饮澈伊啦 汤饮晒佢啦

The structure of Fujian Min dialect is slightly different. "予伊" means "to give it", which is different from Zhongshan Min dialect and Guangzhou dialect.

Double object construction

[edit]

The most common format for double-object sentences in Zhongshan Min is that the inanimate (direct) object comes first, followed by the person (indirect) object, which is the opposite of the Mandarin usage.[66][48]

paŋ²¹³⁻³³

give

tit̚²¹⁻³³

one

kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹

CL

银钱

ŋin⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰi⁵⁵

money

伊!

i³³!

3SG

放 一 个 银钱 伊!

paŋ²¹³⁻³³ tit̚²¹⁻³³ kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹ {ŋin⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰi⁵⁵} i³³!

give one CL money 3SG

'Give him a yuan!'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 给他一块钱!)

t͡siuʔ²¹⁻³³

lend

kua¹³⁻¹¹

CL

t͡su³³

book

我!

ua¹³!

1SG

借 管 书 我!

t͡siuʔ²¹⁻³³ kua¹³⁻¹¹ t͡su³³ ua¹³!

lend CL book 1SG

'Lend me a book!'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 借我一本书吧!)

Additionally, the prepositions 去 can be added between the inanimate and person objects.

paŋ²¹³⁻³³

give

kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹

CL

银钱

ŋin⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰi⁵⁵

money

hi²¹³⁻³³

to

伊!

i³³!

3SG

放 个 银钱 去 伊!

paŋ²¹³⁻³³ kɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹ {ŋin⁵⁵⁻²¹ t͡sʰi⁵⁵} hi²¹³⁻³³ i³³!

give CL money to 3SG

'Give him a yuan!'

t͡siuʔ²¹⁻³³

lend

kua¹³⁻¹¹

CL

t͡su³³

book

hi²¹³⁻³³

to

我!

ua¹³!

1SG

借 管 书 去 我!

t͡siuʔ²¹⁻³³ kua¹³⁻¹¹ t͡su³³ hi²¹³⁻³³ ua¹³!

lend CL book to 1SG

'Lend me a book!'

This syntax where object referring to a person is placed after the object referring to a thing is a typical sentence pattern in Yue and Hakka. It is not seen in Mandarin or Hokkien.[68]

English Mandarin Zhangzhou Sanxiang Cantonese Meixian
Give me a hoe 给我一把锄头 予我一支锄头 放(一)把锄头我 畀(一)把锄头我 分(一)把锄头𠊎
Lend him a book 借他一本书 借伊一本册 借(一)本书伊 借(一)本书佢 借(一)本书佢

Yes–no questions

[edit]

Yes–no questions in Sanxiang dialect can be formed in two ways. The first is by using the A-not-A construction:[69]

li¹³

2SG

u¹¹⁻³³

GNO

mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹

NEG

kia⁵⁵⁻²¹

go

遘到

kau²¹³⁻³³ tau²¹³⁻³³

arrive

车站?

t͡sʰia³³ t͡sam¹¹?

station

汝 有 无 行 遘到 车站?

li¹³ u¹¹⁻³³ mɐu⁵⁵⁻²¹ kia⁵⁵⁻²¹ {kau²¹³⁻³³ tau²¹³⁻³³} {t͡sʰia³³ t͡sam¹¹}?

2SG GNO NEG go arrive station

'Have you arrived at the station?'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 你走到车站了吗?)

Similar to other Sinitic languages, Sanxiang lack a direct way of saying "yes" or "no". Instead, the question above must be answered by saying either "有" (yes) or "无" (no) in accordance to the main verb and negation used.[51]

In addition, the conjunction 抑(是) /a³³ si¹¹/ "or" can be inserted between the two options:

li¹³

2SG

tit²¹

can

lai⁵⁵⁻²¹

come

抑(是)

a³³ (si¹¹⁻³³)

or

m¹¹

NEG

得?

tit²¹?

can

你 得 来 抑(是) 唔 得?

li¹³ tit²¹ lai⁵⁵⁻²¹ {a³³ (si¹¹⁻³³)} m¹¹ tit²¹?

2SG can come or NEG can

'Are you able to come or not?'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 你来得了来不了?)

Another way is by putting the negation at the end of a sentence, similar to Hokkien:

li¹³

2SG

hi²¹³⁻³³

go

kuoi²¹³⁻³³

EXP

北京

pak²¹⁻³³ kieŋ³³

Beijing

未?

boi¹¹?

NEG-SEM

汝 去 过 北京 未?

li¹³ hi²¹³⁻³³ kuoi²¹³⁻³³ {pak²¹⁻³³ kieŋ³³} boi¹¹?

2SG go EXP Beijing NEG-SEM

'Have you been to Beijing?'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 你去过北京吗?)

Comparison

[edit]
Equal Construction
[edit]

Equal construction in Zhongshan Min follows the syntax: A + preposition "with" + B + 一样 + adjective. There are three prepositions that can be used, namely: 伨 /tʰin³³/, 同 /taŋ⁵⁵/, 跟 /kin³³/.[66]

细佬

sɐi²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³

younger brother

kin³³

with

大佬

tua²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³

older brother

一样

tit̚²¹⁻³³ iu¹¹⁻³³

same

悬。

kui⁵⁵.

tall

细佬 跟 大佬 一样 悬。

{sɐi²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³} kin³³ {tua²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³} {tit̚²¹⁻³³ iu¹¹⁻³³} kui⁵⁵.

{younger brother} with {older brother} same tall

'Younger brother is as tall as older brother.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 弟弟与哥哥一样高。)

Comparisons can be done even with the lack of a second noun.

伊两侬

i³³ nɐu³³ naŋ⁵⁵

3DU

一样

tit̚²¹⁻³³ iu¹¹⁻³³

same

肥。

pui⁵⁵.

fat

伊两侬 一样 肥。

{i³³ nɐu³³ naŋ⁵⁵} {tit̚²¹⁻³³ iu¹¹⁻³³} pui⁵⁵.

3DU same fat

'They both are as fat as each other.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 他俩一样胖。)
Comparative Construction
[edit]

There are two ways to achieve comparative construction. The more commonly used syntax, similar to Cantonese and Teochew, is: A + adjective + 过 /kuoi²¹³/ + B.

广州

kɔŋ¹³⁻¹¹ t͡siu¹³

Guangzhou

zuaʔ⁵³⁻²

hot

kuoi²¹³⁻³³

than

北京。

pak²¹⁻³³ kieŋ³³.

Beijing

广州 热 过 北京。

{kɔŋ¹³⁻¹¹ t͡siu¹³} zuaʔ⁵³⁻² kuoi²¹³⁻³³ {pak²¹⁻³³ kieŋ³³}.

Guangzhou hot than Beijing

'Guangzhou is hotter than Beijing.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 广州比北京热。)

Another syntax, similar to Mandarin, is: A + 比 /pi¹³/ + B + adjective.

细佬

sɐi²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³

younger brother

pi¹³⁻¹¹

compared to

大佬

tua²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³

older brother

悬。

kui⁵⁵.

tall

细佬 比 大佬 悬。

{sɐi²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³} pi¹³⁻¹¹ {tua²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³} kui⁵⁵.

{younger brother} {compared to} {older brother} tall

'Younger brother is taller than older brother.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 弟弟比哥哥高。)

The above syntax can be intensified with another adjective, such as 也 /ia¹¹/.[70]

明光

meŋ⁵⁵⁻²¹ kui³³

tomorrow

pi¹³⁻¹¹

compare

今旦

kin³³ nua¹¹

today

ia¹¹⁻³³

even more

好。

hɐu¹³.

good

明光 比 今旦 也 好。

{meŋ⁵⁵⁻²¹ kui³³} pi¹³⁻¹¹ {kin³³ nua¹¹} ia¹¹⁻³³ hɐu¹³.

tomorrow compare today {even more} good

'Tomorrow will be better than today.'

(cf. Mandarin Chinese: 明天比今天更好。)

Comparisons compared with other dialects:[67]

English Mandarin Zhangzhou Sanxiang Catonese Meixian
He is as tall as me 他跟我一样儿高 伊佮我平(平)悬 伊同我一样悬 佢同我一样(咁)高 佢同𠊎平平高
He is taller than me 他比我高 伊比我较悬 伊悬过我 佢高过我 佢比𠊎过高/佢高过𠊎

Vocabulary

[edit]

Some words are similar to other Min languages.[44]

English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Mandarin
Person
jɐn²¹ naŋ⁵⁵ laŋ²⁴ nˡøyŋ⁵³ rén
Tall
kou̯⁵⁵ kui⁵⁵ kuãi²⁴ kɛiŋ⁵³ gāo
Hard
ŋaːŋ²² tɐi¹¹ tiɪŋ²² taiŋ²⁴² yìng
To Eat
sɪk̚² t͡siaʔ⁵³ t͡siaʔ⁴ sieʔ⁵ chī
Wok
wɔːk̚² tia¹³ tiã⁵³ tiaŋ³³ guō
House 房子
ʊk̚⁵ t͡sʰu²¹³ t͡sʰu²¹ t͡sʰuɔ²¹³ fángzi
Sun 热头 日头 日头 日头 太阳
jiːt̚² tʰɐu̯²¹⁻³⁵ zit̚⁵³⁻² tʰɐu⁵⁵ lit̚⁴⁻³² tʰau²⁴ nˡiʔ⁵⁻³³ tʰau⁵³ tàiyáng
Star 天星 天星 星星
sɪŋ⁵⁵ tʰi³³ sɐi³³ t͡sʰĩ⁴⁴ tʰieŋ⁵⁵ (s-)niŋ⁵⁵ xīngxīng
Eye 目珠 目珠 目珠 眼睛
ŋaːn¹³ mak̚⁵³⁻² t͡siu³³ bak̚⁴⁻³² t͡siu⁴⁴ mɛiʔ⁵⁻⁵⁵ t͡sieu⁵⁵ yǎnjing
Mouth
t͡sɵy̯³⁵ t͡sʰui²¹³ t͡sʰui²¹ t͡sʰui²¹³ zuǐ
Foot
kœːk̚³ kʰa³³ kʰa⁴⁴ kʰa⁵⁵ jiǎo
Leaf 叶子
jiːp̚² hioʔ⁵³ hioʔ⁴ nˡuoʔ⁵ yèzi
Rice
plant
粙仔 稻子
wɔː²¹ tiu³³ tiu²²⁻²¹ a⁵³ tiɛu²⁴² dàozi
Soil
nɐi̯²¹ tʰu⁵⁵ tʰɔ²⁴ tʰu⁵³

Like other Southern Min languages, some bisyllabic compounds are inverted in comparison to Mandarin and Cantonese.

English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Mandarin
Throat 喉咙 咙喉 咙喉 喉咙 喉咙
hɐu̯²¹ lʊŋ²¹ laŋ⁵⁵⁻²¹ ɐu⁵⁵ nã²⁴⁻²² au²⁴ ho⁵³⁻³³ l̃øyŋ⁵³ hóulóng
Typhoon 台风 风台 风台 风台 台风
tʰɔːi̯²¹ fʊŋ⁵⁵ hoŋ³³ tʰai³³ hɔŋ⁴⁴⁻²² tʰai⁴⁴ huŋ⁵⁵ (tʰ-)nai⁵⁵ táifēng

Some words came from Cantonese influence.

English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Mandarin
Nose 鼻哥 鼻哥 鼻子
pei̯²² kɔː⁵⁵ pi¹¹⁻³³ kau³³ pʰĩ²² pʰɛi²¹³ bízi
To Look
tʰɐi̯³⁵ tʰɐi¹³ kʰuã²¹ kʰɑŋ²¹³ kàn
Bottle 矸仔 瓶瓶 瓶子
t͡sɵn⁵⁵ tsɐn³³ kan⁴⁴⁻²² a⁵³ piŋ⁵³⁻³³ piŋ⁵³ píngzi
Child 细佬哥 细佬哥 囡仔 儿囝 小孩
sɐi̯³³ lou̯³⁵ kɔː⁵⁵ sɐi²¹³⁻³³ lau¹³⁻¹¹ ko³³ ɡin⁵³⁻⁴⁴ a⁵³ nˡie²⁴²⁻⁵³ (k-)iaŋ³³ xiǎohái
Kitchen 厨房 厨房 灶骹 灶前 厨房
t͡sʰyː²¹ fɔːŋ²¹⁻³⁵ tu⁵⁵⁻²¹ paŋ³³ t͡sau²¹⁻⁵³ kʰa⁴⁴ t͡sau²¹³⁻⁵⁵ (s-)lɛiŋ⁵³ chúfáng
Kerosene 火水 火水 涂油 洋油 煤油
fɔː³⁵ sɵy̯³⁵ hoi¹³⁻¹¹ tsui¹³ tʰɔ²⁴⁻²² iu²⁴ yoŋ⁵³⁻³³ (Ø-)ŋieu⁵³ méiyóu
Bicycle 单车 单车 跤踏车 跤踏车 自行车
taːn⁵⁵ t͡sʰɛː⁵⁵ tan³³ t͡sʰia³³ kʰa⁴⁴⁻²² ta(ʔ)⁴⁻²¹ t͡sʰia⁴⁴ kʰa⁵⁵ (t-)laʔ⁵⁻⁵⁵ t͡sʰia⁵⁵ zìxíngchē
Monkey 马骝 马骝 猴子
maː¹³ lɐu̯²¹⁻⁵⁵ mɐi¹³⁻¹¹ lau⁵⁵ hɔ²⁴ kau⁵³ hóuzi
Glutinous
Rice
糯米 糯米 秫米 秫米 糯米
nɔː²² mɐi̯¹³ nɐu¹¹⁻³³ mi¹³ t͡sut̚⁴⁻³² bi⁵³ suʔ⁵⁻³³ mi³³ nuòmǐ

Some words are made by combining Cantonese and Southern Min words.

English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Mandarin
Sleeve (衫)袖 衫䘼 手(䘼) 手䘼 袖子
saːm⁵⁵ t͡sɐu̯² sa³³ hui¹³ t͡sʰiu⁵³⁻⁴⁴ ŋ̍⁵³ t͡sʰieu³³⁻³⁵ uoŋ³³ xiùzi
To bathe 沖(涼) 洗涼 (洗)身躯 洗汤 洗澡
t͡sʰʊŋ⁵⁵ lœːŋ²¹ se¹³⁻¹¹ liu⁵⁵ sue⁵³⁻⁴⁴ sin⁴⁴⁻²² kʰu⁴⁴ sɛ³³⁻²¹ (tʰ-)louŋ⁵⁵ xǐzǎo

Some words are uniquely Sanxiang.

English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Mandarin
Banana 香蕉 蕉只 弓蕉 芭蕉 香蕉
hœːŋ⁵⁵ t͡siːu̯⁵⁵ t͡siu³³ t͡si¹³ kiɪŋ⁴⁴⁻²² t͡sio⁴⁴ pa⁵⁵ (t͡s-)ʒieu⁵⁵ xiāngjiāo
Ear 耳仔 耳朶 耳仔 耳囝 耳朵
jiː¹³ t͡sɐi̯³⁵ hi¹¹⁻³³ ŋu⁵⁵ hi²²⁻²¹ a⁵³ ŋi²⁴²⁻⁵³ (k-)iaŋ³³ ěrduo
Neck 当颈 颔颈 脰骨 脖子
kɛːŋ³⁵ taŋ³³ kin³³ am²²⁻²¹ kun⁵³ tau²⁴²⁻⁵³ (k-)ɑuʔ²⁴ bózi
Toilet 厕所 糞厝 屎礐 粪坑厝 厕所
t͡sʰiː³³ sɔː³⁵ pun²¹³⁻³³ t͡sʰu²¹³ sai⁵³⁻⁴⁴ hak̚⁴ puŋ²¹³⁻²¹ (kʰ-)ŋaŋ⁵⁵⁻⁵³ (t͡sʰ-)ʒuɔ²¹³ cèsuǒ
Firefly 萤火虫 火蝇火 火金蛄 蓝尾星 萤火虫
jɪŋ²¹ fɔː³⁵ t͡sʰʊŋ²¹ hoi¹³⁻¹¹ sin⁵⁵⁻²¹ hoi¹³ he⁵³⁻⁴⁴ kim⁴⁴⁻²² kɔ⁴⁴ l̃aŋ⁵³⁻²¹ mui³³⁻²¹ (s-)liŋ⁵⁵ yínghuǒchóng

Literary and colloquial readings

[edit]

Like in other Min languages, Sanxiang words can have a literary (文读) and colloquial reading (白读). Generally, the colloquial reading of a rime is closer to Hokkien whereas the literary reading of rimes is closer to Cantonese. As an example 笔 has the colloquial reading of /pit̚²¹/ whereas the literary reading would be /pɐt̚⁵³/.[71]

English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Hanzi
Pencil jyːn²¹ pɐt̚⁵ in³³ pit̚²¹ iɛn²⁴⁻²² pit̚³² yoŋ⁵³⁻²¹ (p-)mɛiʔ²⁴ 铅笔
Chalk fɐn³⁵ pɐt̚⁵ fɐn¹³⁻¹¹ pɐt̚⁵³ hun⁵³⁻⁴⁴ pit̚³² 粉笔

Time Phrases

[edit]
English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Mandarin
Morning 上昼 上旰 早起 上昼 上午
sœːŋ²² t͡sɐu̯³³ tsiu¹¹⁻³³ kua²¹³ t͡sa⁵³⁻⁴⁴ kʰi⁵³ suoŋ²⁴²⁻⁵³ (t-)nɑu²¹³ shàngwǔ
Noon 晏昼 日昼 日昼 中昼 中午
aːn³³ t͡sɐu̯³³ zit̚⁵³⁻² tɐu²¹³ lit̚⁴⁻³² tau²¹ touŋ⁵⁵⁻⁵³ (t-)nɑu²¹³ zhōngwǔ
Afternoon 下昼 下旰 下晡 下昼 下午
haː²² t͡sɐu̯³³ e¹¹⁻³³ kua²¹³ e²²⁻²¹ pɔ⁴⁴ a²⁴²⁻⁵³ (t-)lɑu²¹³ xiàwǔ
Night 夜晚黑 暝昏 暝昏 暝晡 晚上
jɛː²² maːn¹³ haːk̚⁵ mɐi⁵⁵⁻²¹ hui³³ mĩ²⁴⁻²² hŋ̍⁴⁴ maŋ⁵³⁻⁵⁵ (p-)muo⁵⁵ wǎnshang

Family Terms

[edit]
English Cantonese Sanxiang Xiamen Fuzhou Mandarin
Son ??囝 儿子
t͡sɐi̯³⁵ sem³³ me⁵⁵⁻²¹ kia¹³ kiã⁵³ kiaŋ³³ érzi
Daughter 查某囝 查某囝 诸娘囝 女儿
nɵy̯¹³ t͡sam³³ mou¹³⁻¹¹ kia¹³ t͡sa⁴⁴⁻²² bɔ⁵³⁻⁴⁴ kiã⁵³ t͡sy⁵⁵⁻⁵³ nˡøyŋ⁵³⁻³³ (k-)ŋiaŋ³³ nǚ'ér
Husband 老公 老翁 老公 丈夫
lou̯¹³ kʊŋ⁵⁵ lau¹¹⁻³³ aŋ³³ aŋ⁴⁴ l̃a²⁴²⁻⁵⁵ (k-)uŋ⁵⁵ zhàngfu
Wife 老婆 老婆 老妈 妻子
lou̯¹³ pʰɔː²¹ lau¹¹⁻³³ pau⁵⁵ bɔ⁵³ l̃au²⁴²⁻⁵³ ma³³ qīzi

Notes

[edit]
  1. Min is believed to have split from Old Chinese, rather than Middle Chinese like other varieties of Chinese.[3][4][5]

Sources

[edit]
  • 张, 振兴 (1987). "广东省中山市三乡闽语" (PDF). 《语言文字论集》 (1): 35–43.
  • 陳, 小楓 (1996). "中山間語語音概說" (PDF). 中山大学学报: 社会科学版 (1): 235–249.
  • Bodman, Nicholas C. (1988). "Two Divergent Southern Min Dialects of the Sanxiang District, Zhongshan, Guangdong" (PDF). 《中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊》. 59 (2): 401–423.
  • 高, 然 (1999). "中山三乡闽语词汇特征". 语言与方言论稿: 226–242.
  • 陈, 小枫 (1990). "中山闽方言探源". In 李, 新魁; 傅, 雨贤 (eds.). 语言文字论集. 语言文字论集 中山大学中文系本书编委会. 广东人民出版社. pp. 180–202. ISBN 7-218-00207-2.
  • 陈, 小枫; 陈, 淑环 (2003). "粤方言对中山闽语语法系统的影响概述". In 詹, 伯慧 (ed.). 第八届国际粤方言研讨会论文集. 国际粤方言研讨会论文集. 中国社会科学出版社. pp. 593–608. ISBN 7-5004-4202-5.
  • 高, 然 (2017). "中山闽语语法概述". In 高, 然 (ed.). 语言与方言论稿. 语言与方言论稿 第二辑. 北京/西安:世界图书出版公司. pp. 221–241. ISBN 978-7-5192-3293-1.

References

[edit]
  1. 1 2 3 Bodman 1988, pp. 402.
  2. 高 2017, pp. 221.
  3. Mei, Tsu-lin (1970), "Tones and prosody in Middle Chinese and the origin of the rising tone", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 30: 86–110, doi:10.2307/2718766, JSTOR 2718766
  4. Pulleyblank, Edwin G. (1984), Middle Chinese: A study in Historical Phonology, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, p. 3, ISBN 978-0-7748-0192-8
  5. Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin; Bank, Sebastian (2023-07-10). "Glottolog 4.8 - Min". Glottolog. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. doi:10.5281/zenodo.7398962. Archived from the original on 2023-10-13. Retrieved 2023-10-13.
  6. "Sinitic phonetic geographical distribution (漢語字音地理分佈查詢)", kaom.net, retrieved 2026-08-02
  7. 1 2 Bodman, Nicholas C. (1982). "The Namlong Dialect, a Easthern Min Outlier in Zhongshan Xian and the Influence of Cantonese on its Lexicon and Phonology" (PDF). Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies. 14 (1): 1–19. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2020-02-03.
  8. 1 2 Bodman, Nicholas C. (1985). "The Reflexes of Initial Nasals in Proto-Southern Min-Hingua". In Acson, Veneeta; Leed, Richard L. (eds.). For Gordon H. Fairbanks. Oceanic Linguistics Special Publications. Vol. 20. University of Hawaii Press. pp. 5–6. ISBN 978-0-8248-0992-8. JSTOR 20006706.
  9. "Reclassifying ISO 639-3 [nan]: An Empirical Approach to Mutual Intelligibility and Ethnolinguistic Distinctions" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2021-09-19.
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  11. Bodman 1988, pp. 401.
  12. 张 1987, pp. 37.
  13. 陳 1996, pp. 238–239.
  14. Bodman 1988, pp. 413.
  15. 高 1999, pp. 227.
  16. 1 2 陈 1990, pp. 200.
  17. 1 2 3 陳 1996, pp. 239.
  18. 高 1999, pp. 228.
  19. Campbell, James. "Zhongshan Sanxiang Dialect Phonology". Glossika. Archived from the original on 2007-08-14. Retrieved 2026-08-02.
  20. 张 1987, pp. 38–39.
  21. 张 1987, pp. 35.
  22. 陳 1996, pp. 249.
  23. 张 1987, pp. 39.
  24. 陳 1996, pp. 240.
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  26. 陳 1996, pp. 242.
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  35. 1 2 高 2017, pp. 226.
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  38. Bodman 1988, pp. 410.
  39. 高 2017, pp. 226–227.
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  41. 1 2 高 2017, pp. 227.
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  43. 1 2 陈 1990, pp. 188.
  44. 1 2 张 1987, pp. 41.
  45. 高 1999, pp. 241.
  46. 高 2017, pp. 228.
  47. 高 2017, pp. 237–238.
  48. 1 2 & 陈 2003, pp. 602.
  49. 高 2017, pp. 233.
  50. 1 2 高 2017, pp. 234.
  51. 1 2 3 4 高 2017, pp. 235.
  52. 1 2 & 陈 2003, pp. 596.
  53. & 陈 2003, pp. 596–597.
  54. Bodman 1988, pp. 420.
  55. Bodman 1988, pp. 419.
  56. 1 2 高 2017, pp. 232.
  57. 高 2017, pp. 231–232.
  58. & 陈 2003, pp. 595.
  59. 1 2 & 陈 2003, pp. 603.
  60. & 陈 2003, pp. 595–596.
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  62. 高 2017, pp. 230.
  63. & 陈 2003, pp. 600–601.
  64. 高 2017, pp. 231.
  65. 徐, 宇航 (2024). "广东闽语多功能词"放":内部演变与外部接触共现的个案" (PDF). 中国语文 (6): 690–700.
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  67. 1 2 高 2017, pp. 239.
  68. 高 2017, pp. 240.
  69. & 陈 2003, pp. 603–604.
  70. & 陈 2003, pp. 600.
  71. 陳 1996, pp. 247.